In March 1921 there was a mutiny against the Soviet government among soldiers in the fortress town of Kronstadt. The mutiny went on for two weeks, until it was suppressed by the Bolshevik government. The Kronstadt mutiny is one of those topics which is always debated: was it a heroic uprising against the ‘tyrannical bolsheviks’? Or was it an attempt at counter-revolution? Before I started researching this topic I thought that the Kronstadt mutiny was just a silly anarchist action – but its actually much worse then that.
1921 年 3 月，堡垒小镇喀琅施塔得的士兵中发生了反对苏联政府的兵变。兵变持续了两周，直到被布尔什维克政府镇压。喀琅施塔得兵变是经常被争论的话题之一：这是一场反对“暴虐布尔什维克”的英勇起义吗？还是反革命的企图？在我开始研究这个话题之前，我认为喀琅施塔得兵变只是一个愚蠢的无政府主义行动——但实际上它比这更糟糕。
THE LASTING MYTH OF KRONSTADT
喀琅施塔得的永恒神话
The Kronstadt mutiny has remained a topic of discussion to this day. That is because it is always used as an example of supposed ‘communist tyranny’ by anarchists and revisionists, but also by capitalists and imperialists. They all claim that since the communists had to suppress a mutiny, therefore it proves they were anti-worker, oppressive and that they had turned against the revolution. Of course, this is simplistic and childish thinking and pure demagogy. Of course, there were other revolts and plots against the bolsheviks too, but the Kronstadt mutiny works much better for anarchist and capitalist propaganda purposes because at least on the surface it was done by soldiers of mostly peasant origin (and not by the rich) and because at least on the surface it had a left-wing agenda – however, the surface appearance doesn’t necessarily reflect the whole truth.
喀琅施塔得兵变至今仍是一个讨论的话题。这是因为它总是被无政府主义者和修正主义者用作所谓的“共产主义暴政”的例子，也被资本家和帝国主义者使用。他们都声称，既然共产党人必须镇压兵变，那么这就证明他们是反工人的、压迫性的，他们已经反对革命了。当然，这是简单幼稚的思维和纯粹的蛊惑。当然，还有其他反对布尔什维克的起义和阴谋，但喀琅施塔得兵变在无政府主义和资本主义宣传目的上效果更好，因为至少从表面上看，它是由主要农民出身的士兵（而不是富人）完成的，因为至少在表面上它有一个左翼议程——然而， 表面的外观并不一定反映全部真相。
The first capitalist president of Russia Boris Yeltsin (the most hated Russian leader in known history) praised the Kronstadt mutiny and opened the archives on Kronstadt for researchers, so that they could prove how heroic the mutiny was and how evil the bolsheviks were. Unfortunately it backfired, since the primary source evidence doesn’t support his conclusion at all. The opened archives contain more then 1000 documents which include firsthand accounts by mutineers, secret White Guard reports, articles, memoirs etc. collected from a range of Soviet, White Guard, Menshevik, anarchist and western capitalist sources.
俄罗斯第一位资本主义总统鲍里斯·叶利钦（已知历史上最令人讨厌的俄罗斯领导人）赞扬了喀琅施塔得兵变，并向研究人员开放了喀琅施塔得的档案，以便他们能够证明兵变是多么英勇，布尔什维克是多么邪恶。不幸的是，它适得其反，因为主要来源证据根本不支持他的结论。打开的档案馆包含 1000 多份文件，其中包括叛变者的第一手资料、白卫军的秘密报告、文章、回忆录等，这些都是从一系列苏联、白卫兵、孟什维克、无政府主义和西方资本主义来源收集的。
When the mutiny broke out it was immediately praised and supported in the capitalist media – actually, it was already praised and supported in the capitalist media two weeks before it had even broken out. This already shows that the mutiny was organized, or at least sponsored and supported by capitalists and western imperialist countries.
兵变一爆发，立即受到资本主义媒体的赞扬和支持——实际上，在兵变爆发前两周，资本主义媒体就已经赞扬和支持了它。这已经表明，兵变是由资本家和西方帝国主义国家组织的，或者至少是赞助和支持的。
LEADER OF THE MUTINY PETRICHENKO
兵变的领导人佩特里琴科
The leader of the mutiny was a political adventurer named Stepan Petrichenko. He had been in the Red Army, but considered himself an anarcho-syndicalist. He was also a Ukrainian nationalist. Petrichenko apparently remained an anarcho-syndicalist at least on the surface for most of his life, but one year before the Kronstadt mutiny he had tried to join the White Army. Anarchist historian Avrich writes:
兵变的领导人是一位名叫斯捷潘·佩特里琴科的政治冒险家。他曾在红军中，但认为自己是一个无政府工团主义者。他也是乌克兰民族主义者。佩特里琴科显然至少在他一生的大部分时间里表面上都是一个无政府工团主义者，但在喀琅施塔得兵变前一年，他曾试图加入白军。无政府主义历史学家阿夫里奇写道：
“Petrichenko returned to his native village in April 1920 and apparently remained until September or October… The authorities, he later told an American journalist, had arrested him more than once on suspicion of counterrevolutionary activity. He had even tried to join the Whites…”
“佩特里琴科于 1920 年 4 月回到他的家乡，显然一直待到 9 月或 10 月......他后来告诉一名美国记者，当局不止一次以涉嫌反革命活动为由逮捕了他。他甚至试图加入白军......”
Avrich also discovered a secret White Guard Memorandum On Organizing An Uprising In Kronstadt.
阿夫里希还发现了一份关于在喀琅施塔得组织起义的秘密白卫队备忘录 。
Already pretty quickly after the events in Kronstadt we had absolutely solid proof the leaders and organizers of the mutiny were White Guardists or were working with White Guardists. And now with the archival materials, we have absolutely mountains of further evidence. If anyone says otherwise, they are wilfully ignorant or lying.
在喀琅施塔得事件发生后不久，我们就有了绝对确凿的证据，即兵变的领导人和组织者是白卫军或正在与白卫军合作。现在有了档案材料，我们绝对有堆积如山的进一步证据。如果有人不这么说，那就是故意无知或撒谎。
HOW THE MUTINY WAS ORGANIZED
兵变是如何组织的
In 1921 the country was in ruins after years of WWI and civil war. Fuel and food were always extremely scarce. As long as the civil war lasted, the population tolerated all these hardships. They understood it was inevitable in the war. However, in 1921 the war was coming to an end. Massive amounts of soldiers were sent home from the Red Army or at least taken away from battle. This created disturbances as people were no longer focused on fighting the White Army, and there were lots of badly adjusted jobless soldiers wandering around. Peasants also began opposing the war-time policy of grain requisition at fixed prices. Most soldiers themselves were peasants. This all combined together, to create some spontaneous disturbances. The policy of the government, was to evaluate the situation, change from war policies to peace time policies, and organize the reconstruction of the country and revitalization of the economy. However, that was an extremely difficult task which couldn’t be completed in one day.
1921 年，经过多年的第一次世界大战和内战，这个国家变成了废墟。燃料和食物总是极其匮乏。只要内战持续，民众就忍受了这一切的苦难。他们明白这在战争中是不可避免的。然而，1921 年战争即将结束。大量士兵被红军送回家，或者至少被带离战斗。这造成了骚乱，因为人们不再专注于与白军作战，而且有很多适应不良的失业士兵四处游荡。农民们也开始反对战时以固定价格征收粮食的政策。大多数士兵本身都是农民。所有这些结合在一起，产生了一些自发的干扰。政府的政策是审时度势，从战争政策转向和平时期政策，组织国家重建和振兴经济。然而，这是一项极其艰巨的任务，不可能在一天之内完成。
There was unrest in Petrograd after several factories were temporarily closed due to fuel shortages. Some menshevik counter-revolutionaries were arrested without bloodshed. False rumors of workers being shot and factories even being bombarded, were spread in the fortress town of Kronstadt. Reactionaries took full advantage of these rumors and spread them.
几家工厂因燃料短缺而暂时关闭后，彼得格勒发生了骚乱。一些孟什维克反革命分子在没有流血的情况下被捕。工人被枪杀，工厂甚至被轰炸的虚假谣言在堡垒城镇喀琅施塔得四处散布。反动派充分利用了这些谣言，并进行了传播。
“Mingled with the initial reports was an assortment of bogus rumors which quickly roused the passions of the sailors. It was said, for example, that government troops had fired on the Vasili Island demonstrators and that strike leaders were being shot in the cellars of the Cheka.”
“与最初的报道混合在一起的是各种各样的虚假谣言，这些谣言很快就激起了水手们的热情。例如，据说政府军向瓦西里岛示威者开火，罢工领导人在契卡的地窖里被枪杀。
“the Petrograd strikes were on the wane… But the rumors of shootings and full-scale rioting had already aroused the sailors, and on March 2, at a time when the disturbances had all but ceased, they were drafting the erroneous announcement (for publication the following day ) that the city was in the throes of a “general insurrection.”
“彼得格勒的罢工正在减弱......但枪击和全面骚乱的谣言已经激起了水手们，3 月 2 日，在骚乱几乎停止的时候，他们正在起草错误的公告（第二天发布），称该市正处于“全面起义”的阵痛之中。”
This was the necessary ideological preparation for the mutiny.
这是兵变的必要意识形态准备。
A mass meeting was held in Kronstadt on March 1 where anti-Communist statements and lies were spread. The meeting was orchestrated in such a way that Communists were not allowed to speak. The topic was raised that new elections to the Soviet should be carried out.
3月1日，喀琅施塔得举行了一次群众集会，散布了反共言论和谎言。这次会议的策划方式是不允许共产党人发言的。有人提出，应该对苏维埃进行新的选举。
A delegate meeting of soldiers was held the next day on March 2. In this meeting it was proposed that all Communists be arrested. The delegates were amazed. However, the organizers of the mutiny made the completely baseless and hysterical claim that armed Communist detachments were about to surround the meeting and arrest everyone, therefore it was supposedly justified and necessary to begin rounding up and arresting Communists. This type of fear propaganda was cleverly used by the mutineers. Delegates had no time to think, they had no access to information, and Communists had no chance to speak. Thus the reactionaries could basically push through their anti-Communist policy.
次日3月2日召开了军人代表大会。在这次会议上，提议逮捕所有共产党人。代表们都感到惊讶。然而，兵变的组织者却毫无根据地歇斯底里地声称，共产党武装分队即将包围会议并逮捕所有人，因此开始围捕和逮捕共产党人被认为是合理和必要的。这种恐惧宣传被叛变者巧妙地利用了。代表们没有时间思考，他们没有机会获得信息，共产党人也没有机会发言。因此，反动派基本上可以推行他们的反共政策。
“the Bolshevik commissar barely had time to object to the irregular proceedings before being cut off by the “military specialist” in charge of artillery, a former tsarist general named Kozlovsky… “Your time is past,” Kozlovsky declared.”
“布尔什维克政委几乎没有时间反对这种非正常的程序，就被负责炮兵的”军事专家“、一位名叫科兹洛夫斯基的前沙皇将军打断了......“你的时代已经过去了，”科兹洛夫斯基宣称。
The adventurer, anarcho-syndicalist and would-be White Guardist Petrichenko declared that a so-called ‘Provisional Revolutionary Committee’ or PRC had been elected. This PRC would now take over.
冒险家、无政府工团主义者和未来的白卫军佩特里琴科宣布，一个所谓的“临时革命委员会”已经当选。这个临时革命委员会现在将接管。
“[T]he chair of the meeting, Petrichenko, quieting down the meeting, announced that ‘The Revolutionary Committee… declares: “All Communists present are to be seized and not to be released until the situation is clarified”
“会议主席彼得里琴科在安静下来时宣布，'革命委员会......宣称：“所有在场的共产党人都将被扣押，在情况得到澄清之前不得释放”
“suddenly… a voice from the floor… shouted that 15 truckloads of Communists armed with rifles and machine guns were on their way to break up the meeting. The news had the effect of a bombshell, throwing the delegates into alarm and confusion… it was the bogus report that Communists were preparing to attack the meeting that actually precipitated the formation of the Provisional Revolutionary Committee… Petrichenko himself took up the rumor and announced that a detachment of 2,000 Communists were indeed on their way to disperse the meeting. Once again pandemonium broke loose, and the delegates left the hall in great excitement.”
“突然......地板上传来的声音......大喊 15 卡车手持步枪和机枪的共产党人正在前往解散会议的路上。这个消息起到了重磅炸弹的作用，让代表们陷入了恐慌和困惑之中......正是共产党人准备攻击这次会议的虚假报告实际上促成了临时革命委员会的成立......佩特里琴科本人也接过了这个谣言，并宣布一支由 2000 名共产党人组成的分队确实正在驱散会议的路上。混乱再次爆发，代表们兴奋地离开了大厅。”
Using skillful propaganda and deception Petrichenko claimed that the ‘Provisional Revolutionary Committee’ was elected by soldier delegates. However, this was simply a lie. No elections had been carried out. But the masses did not know that – after all, maybe their delegates in their meeting had elected such a committee? Who could say? This is a good example of how such a reactionary coup can happen.
佩特里琴科利用巧妙的宣传和欺骗手段，声称“临时革命委员会”是由士兵代表选举产生的。然而，这只是一个谎言。没有进行任何选举。但群众并不知道——毕竟，也许他们的代表在他们的会议上选出了这样一个委员会？谁能说呢？这是一个很好的例子，说明这种反动政变是如何发生的。
The Provisional Revolutionary Committee or PRC was never elected, its members had already been chosen before hand. In fact the committee was already sending orders and messages, one day before it had supposedly been elected. The committee stated:
临时革命委员会（PRC）从未选举产生，其成员已经事先选出。事实上，该委员会在据称当选的前一天就已经发出了命令和信息。该委员会表示：
“[T]he Communist Party is removed from power. The Provisional Revolutionary Committee is in charge. We ask that non-[Communist] party comrades take control into their hands”
“共产党被赶下台了。由临时革命委员会负责。我们要求非[共产党]党的同志将控制权掌握在他们手中”
Avrich also mentions how the PRC was never elected, though he claims it was merely “for lack of time to hold proper elections”
阿夫里奇还提到临时革命委员会从未当选，尽管他声称这只是“因为没有时间举行适当的选举”
This “Provisional Revolutionary Committee” actually consisted of opportunists, capitalists and counter-revolutionaries. Two members of this committee were Mensheviks who had opposed the October Revolution. Mensheviks and their foreign supporters believed Russia needed capitalism and wasn’t ready for a workers’ revolution. Ivan Oreshin, another member in the committee was part of the capitalist Kadet party, one of the leading parties under the Tsar. The head of the Committee was the would-be White Guardist Petrichenko. The chief editor of the Kronstadt mutiny’s newspaper, Sergei Putilin was also a supporter of the capitalist Kadets. Thus both the political leadership of the Kronstadt mutiny, and the mutiny’s propaganda outlets were under the control of counter-revolutionaries.
这个“临时革命委员会”实际上由机会主义者、资本家和反革命分子组成。该委员会的两名成员是反对十月革命的孟什维克。孟什维克和他们的外国支持者认为俄国需要资本主义，还没有为工人革命做好准备。委员会的另一位成员伊万·奥雷辛 （Ivan Oreshin） 是资本主义 Kadet 党的成员，该党是沙皇领导下的主要政党之一。该委员会的负责人是未来的白卫军佩特里琴科。喀琅施塔得兵变报纸的主编谢尔盖·普蒂林也是资本主义 Kadets 的支持者。因此，喀琅施塔得兵变的政治领导层和兵变的宣传渠道都在反革命分子的控制之下。
A genuine revolution is not led by anti-revolutionary Mensheviks or by capitalists. Already from its very inception, the Kronstadt mutiny was basically counter-revolutionary. However, that was just the beginning.
真正的革命不是由反革命的孟什维克或资本家领导的。喀琅施塔得兵变从一开始就基本上是反革命的。然而，这仅仅是开始。
Other members of the PRC were a black-market speculator Vershinin, former police detective Pavlov, two ex-capitalists or property holders Baikov and Tukin “who had once owned no less than six houses and three shops in Petrograd. Another committee member, Kilgast, had reportedly been convicted of embezzling government funds in the Kronstadt transportation department but had been released in a general amnesty on the third anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution.”
临时革命委员会的其他成员包括黑市投机者韦尔希宁、前警探巴甫洛夫、两名前资本家或财产所有者拜科夫和图金，“他们曾经在彼得格勒拥有不少于六栋房屋和三家商店。据报道，另一名委员会成员基尔加斯特因在喀琅施塔得交通部门挪用政府资金而被定罪，但在布尔什维克革命三周年之际大赦中获释。
“Perepelkin may have been the only reputed anarchist among the rebel leaders, but… he was in a good position to propagate his libertarian views… [however] the sailors, for their part, never called for the complete elimination of the state, a central plank in any anarchist platform.”
“佩雷佩尔金可能是叛乱领导人中唯一著名的无政府主义者，但是......他处于传播自由主义观点的有利位置......[然而]水手们从未呼吁彻底消灭国家，而国家是任何无政府主义纲领的核心支柱。”
It was important for the leaders of the Kronstadt mutiny to appear like they were some kind of revolutionaries. They needed gauge the mood of the soldiers, and try to fool them. Leader of the Kronstadt mutiny, would be-White Guardist Petrichenko made the proposal to allow full freedom for “all socialist parties” in the public meeting of March 1. Immediately he was attacked by angry shouts by soldiers: “That’s freedom for the right SRs and Mensheviks! No! No way! …We know all about their Constituent Assemblies! We don’t need that!”
对于喀琅施塔得兵变的领导人来说，让他们看起来像是某种革命者是很重要的。他们需要了解士兵的情绪，并试图愚弄他们。喀琅施塔得兵变的领导人、白卫军人彼得琴科在 3 月 1 日的公开会议上提出了允许“所有社会主义政党”充分自由的提议。他立即遭到士兵们愤怒的喊叫：“这是正确的社会主义革命党和孟什维克的自由！不！不可能！…我们对他们的制宪会议了如指掌！我们不需要那个！”
Petrichenko needed to be careful to not alienate his crowd. The Kadet Ivan Oreshin who was part of the PRC wrote: “The Kronstadt uprising broke out under the pretext of replacing the old Soviet… with a new one… The question of… extending the vote also to the bourgeoisie, was carefully avoided by the orators… They did not want to evoke opposition among the insurgents… They did not speak of the Constituent Assembly, but the assumption was that it could be arrived at gradually…”
佩特里琴科需要小心，不要疏远他的人群。属于临时革命委员会的 Kadet Ivan Oreshin 写道：“喀琅施塔得起义是在取代旧苏联的借发的......用一个新的......这个问题......将投票权也扩大到资产阶级，演说家们小心翼翼地避免了......他们不想引起叛乱分子的反对......他们没有提到制宪会议，但假设它可以逐步达成 ......”
The mutiny leaders understood that the soldiers didn’t actually support their goals, so they needed to keep their true goals secret. They could be achieved “gradually” by sneaky secret maneuvering.
叛变的领导人明白，士兵们实际上并不支持他们的目标，因此他们需要对自己的真正目标保密。它们可以通过偷偷摸摸的秘密作“逐渐”实现。
During all these operations the reactionary organizers of the mutiny still carefully tried to use a cover of revolutionary and pro-worker language. They called each other ‘comrades’ and ‘the revolutionary committee’. However, they were adamant that Communists must be crushed. The vaguely anarchistic ideology, most likely influenced by Petrichenko, suited their purposes. All kinds of demagogical slogans were made about “freedom against bolshevik tyranny”, “soviets without communism” etc.
在所有这些行动中，叛变的反动组织者仍然小心翼翼地试图使用革命和亲工人的语言。他们互相称呼对方为“同志”和“革命委员会”。然而，他们坚持必须镇压共产党人。隐约的无政府主义意识形态很可能受到彼得里琴科的影响，符合他们的目的。人们提出了各种煽动性的口号，例如“反对布尔什维克暴政的自由”、“没有共产主义的苏维埃”等。
However, even if we didn’t know that Petrichenko had wanted to be a White Guardist it was still completely obvious that the Kronstadt mutineers were not following anarchist theory in any typical sense. They were not establishing a stateless society but an anti-Communist military dictatorship. 300 Communists were rounded up and thrown into prisons, but hundreds of Communists also managed to run away.
然而，即使我们不知道彼得琴科曾想成为一名白卫兵，喀琅施塔得叛变者在任何典型意义上都没有遵循无政府主义理论，这一点仍然完全明显。他们不是在建立一个无国籍的社会，而是一个反共的军事独裁政权。300 名共产党人被围捕并投入监狱，但数百名共产党人也设法逃脱。
“The repression carried out by the PRC against those Communists who remained faithful to the communist revolution fully refutes the supposedly peaceful intentions of the rebels. Virtually all the minutes of the PRC sessions indicate that the struggle against the Communists still at large and against those still in prison, remained an unrelenting focus of their attention. At the last phase they even resorted to threats of field courts martial in spite of their declared repeal of the death penalty.”
“临时革命委员会对那些仍然忠于共产主义革命的共产党人实施的镇压完全驳斥了叛乱分子所谓的和平意图。几乎所有会议记录都表明，反对仍然在逃的共产党人和反对仍在狱中的人的斗争仍然是他们不断关注的焦点。在最后阶段，他们甚至诉诸野战军事法庭的威胁，尽管他们宣布废除死刑。
An anarchist thug named Shustov, was the commandant of the prison. Imagine being an anarchist and advocating the abolition of all prisons, but at the same time you’re literally a prison warden, and you keep arresting hundreds of Communists! Shustov was chosen as the executioner who would shoot the leading local Communists. There was a plan to carry out a mass execution:
一个名叫舒斯托夫的无政府主义暴徒是监狱的指挥官。想象一下，你是一个无政府主义者，主张废除所有监狱，但同时你实际上是一名监狱长，你不断逮捕数百名共产党人！舒斯托夫被选为刽子手，将枪杀当地主要的共产党人。有一个实施大规模处决的计划：
“Early on the morning of March 18, Shustov set up a machine gun outside the cell, which contained 23 prisoners. He was prevented from slaughtering the Communists only by the advance of the Red Army across the ice.”
“3月18日一大早，舒斯托夫在牢房外架起机枪，牢房里关押着23名囚犯。只有红军越过冰层，才阻止他屠杀共产党人。
THE KRONSTADT DEMANDS 喀琅施塔得的要求
Lenin pointed out that the Kronstadt demands were quite vague and unclear. This was inevitable because they were not realistic policy proposals but a combination of utopianism, spontaneity and demagogic propaganda intended to gather enough support until the White Guard could take power and crush the Communists and all other opposition.
列宁指出，喀琅施塔得的要求相当模糊和不明确。这是不可避免的，因为它们不是现实的政策建议，而是乌托邦主义、自发性和煽动性宣传的结合，旨在获得足够的支持，直到白卫军掌权并粉碎共产党和所有其他反对派。
The essential demands were:
基本要求是：
1. New elections to the Soviets. In Kronstadt Communists were arrested and thus would not be allowed to run in elections. Instead the Soviets would be filled with mensheviks, white guards, anarchists and opponents of the October Revolution such as the SR kerensky types. Of course the reactionaries also hoped this could spread elsewhere and help destabilize the Soviet government. Needless to say this was not an anarchistic “stateless” order.
1. 苏维埃的新选举。在喀琅施塔得，共产党人被逮捕，因此不被允许参加选举。相反，苏联人将充满孟什维克、白卫兵、无政府主义者和十月革命的反对者，如 SR 克伦斯基类型。当然，反动派也希望这能蔓延到其他地方，帮助破坏苏联政府的稳定。不用说，这不是一个无政府主义的“无国籍”秩序。
2. Full freedom of action for anti-Communist parties including the left-SR terrorists who tried to assassinate Lenin in 1918. The terrorist’s bullet hit Lenin in the neck but he survived. These anti-Communist forces would receive full freedom of action, but of course in Kronstadt the Communists would be repressed and prevented from all activism. Again, the reactionaries hoped this would spread to other areas too.
2. 反共政党的充分行动自由，包括 1918 年试图暗杀列宁的左翼 SR 恐怖分子。恐怖分子的子弹击中了列宁的脖子，但他幸免于难。这些反共势力将获得充分的行动自由，但当然在喀琅施塔得，共产党人将受到镇压并阻止一切活动。反动派再次希望这种情况也能蔓延到其他地区。
3. There should be no government regulation of trade-unions. Of course, in practice this simply meant that unions should denounce the Soviet government, sever their ties with the Soviet government and not follow instructions from it. If this demand was implemented it would lead to chaos because the unions were the government’s main instrument of economic management and workplace democracy. The demand for unions which did not collaborate with the workers’ government was also an essentially anti-socialist demand. Unions working with a proletarian state are an important part of planned economy and socialist construction.
3. 不应有政府对工会的监管。当然，在实践中，这只是意味着工会应该谴责苏联政府，切断与苏联政府的联系，而不是听从苏联政府的指示。如果这一要求得到实施，将导致混乱，因为工会是政府经济管理和工作场所民主的主要工具。对不与工人政府合作的工会的要求本质上也是一种反社会主义的要求。与无产阶级国家合作的工会是计划经济和社会主义建设的重要组成部分。
4. Anti-Communist rebels like menshevik saboteurs, SR terrorists and those organizing revolts should be freed from jail.
4. 孟什维克破坏者、社会主义恐怖分子和组织叛乱的人等反共叛乱分子应该从监狱中获释。
5. The mutineers demanded bigger rations. Of course everybody wanted higher wages and bigger rations, but this was just a cheap attempt to garner popularity. Also, the bolshevik government was being basically forced to pay somewhat higher salaries and better rations for skilled experts, bourgeois officials and workers in strategic branches. They did not want to do this, but they had to. Those experts and officials could not be replaced right away, and if they didn’t collaborate the government would have huge problems. Therefore the bolsheviks simply had to accommodate those people until Red Experts could be trained to replace them. It may seem unfair, but failing to recognize this necessity is just another example of utopian stupidity.
5. 叛变者要求更多的口粮。当然，每个人都希望更高的工资和更多的口粮，但这只是为了获得人气而进行的廉价尝试。此外，布尔什维克政府基本上被迫为熟练的专家、资产阶级官员和战略部门的工人支付更高的工资和更好的口粮。他们不想这样做，但他们不得不这样做。这些专家和官员无法立即更换，如果他们不合作，政府将面临巨大的问题。因此，布尔什维克只需要容纳这些人，直到能够培训红色专家来取代他们。这似乎不公平，但未能认识到这种必要性只是乌托邦式愚蠢的又一个例子。
6. The abolition of “war communism” or grain requisition. Again, this demand could gain some popularity. The peasants never particularly liked the system of war communism, though it was necessary for the war effort. The mutineers more broadly demanded that peasants should be able to use their land and property exactly how they see fit. They did not want collective agriculture or socialist planned economy, but instead who ever was lucky enough to have land should use it to the best of their ability and compete on the market. Landless would remain landless, and big peasants would get bigger.
6、废除“战时共产主义”或征粮。同样，这种需求可能会获得一些欢迎。农民从来不特别喜欢战争共产主义制度，尽管它是战争努力所必需的。叛变者更广泛地要求农民应该能够完全按照他们认为合适的方式使用他们的土地和财产。他们不想要集体农业或社会主义计划经济，相反，谁有幸拥有土地，就应该尽其所能地利用它，并在市场上竞争。无地者仍将无地，大农会变得更大。
7. The mutineers demanded the purging of Communists from the military and factory management, and abolition of Communist political departments from the army. The army at this point still had very large numbers of professional officers and soldiers from the times of the Tsar and Kerensky. These officers were needed and used by the Communists because of their skills and professional military training. However, because those officers and soldiers were not communists or workers, and were generally untrustworthy the Bolsheviks invented ‘political comissars’ to supervise the officers.
7. 叛变者要求清除军队和工厂管理中的共产党人，并从军队中撤销共产党政治部门。此时的军队仍然拥有大量沙皇和克伦斯基时代的职业官兵。这些军官因其技能和专业的军事训练而被共产党需要和使用。然而，由于这些官兵不是共产党员或工人，而且通常不值得信任，布尔什维克发明了“政治委员会”来监督军官。
“former imperial officers were… [used] as “military specialists” ( voenspetsy ) under the watchful supervision of political commissars. In this way, badly needed command experience and technical knowledge were provided until a new corps of Red Commanders could be trained.”
“前帝国军官是......[使用]在政治委员的监视下作为“军事专家”（voenspetsy）。通过这种方式，提供了急需的指挥经验和技术知识，直到可以训练一支新的红色指挥官军团。
The Kronstadt mutineers demanded that this system be abolished. Such a demand might appeal to some anarchists, but one can only imagine what the result would be. The non-Communist officers inside the Red Army would no longer follow socialist instructions and the Red Army would stop being a proletarian army at all. In fact, this quickly happened and the old Tsarist officers Kozlovsky, Vilken and others were soon walking around like they were masters of the situation. In fact, they were masters during the mutiny.
喀琅施塔得叛变者要求废除这一制度。这样的要求可能会吸引一些无政府主义者，但人们只能想象结果会是什么。红军内部的非共产党军官将不再服从社会主义的指示，红军将根本不再是无产阶级军队。事实上，这件事很快就发生了，沙皇老军官科兹洛夫斯基、维尔肯和其他人很快就像掌握局势一样四处走动。事实上，他们在兵变期间是主人。
According to the SRs the White Guard general Kozlovsky was ‘elected’ to the defence council of the Kronstadt mutiny, but it seems unlikely he could get elected. Its more likely he was simply chosen by the counter-revolutionaries into that post. The Menshevik newspaper Sotsialisticheski Vestnik published in Germany wrote that Kozlovsky and the other Whites tried to convince the Mensheviks and SRs to begin a general military assault against the Soviet government, but they were unable to convince them. The Mensheviks wrote: “The political leaders of the insurrection would not agree to take the offensive and the opportunity was let slip.“
根据 SR 的说法，白卫军将军科兹洛夫斯基被“选”为喀琅施塔得兵变的国防委员会成员，但他似乎不太可能当选。更有可能的是，他只是被反革命分子选中担任该职位。在德国出版的孟什维克报纸《Sotsialisticheski Vestnik》写道，科兹洛夫斯基和其他白军试图说服孟什维克和苏维埃革命党开始对苏联政府发动全面军事攻击，但他们无法说服他们。孟什维克写道：“起义的政治领导人不同意采取进攻，机会被错过了。
WHITE GUARDS AND CAPITALISTS IN KRONSTADT
喀琅施塔得的白卫军和资本家
White emigres immediately began making plans to join the Kronstadt mutineers. A former associate of White General Dennikin, N. N. Chebyshev wrote about those times: “White officers roused themselves and started seeking ways to get to the fight in Kronstadt… The spark flew among the emigres. Everybody’s spirit was lifted by it”
白人移民立即开始计划加入喀琅施塔得叛变者。白人将军丹尼金的前同事 N. N. 切比雪夫 （N. N. Chebyshev） 在谈到那些时候时写道：“白人军官振作起来，开始寻找参加喀琅施塔得战斗的方法......火花在移民中飞扬。每个人的精神都因此而振奋”
Imperialist France and Britain encouraged capitalist states on the Russian border to assist the Kronstadt mutiny. British foreign minister Lord Curzon sent a secret message to Finland On March 11 stating: “His Majesty’s Government are not prepared themselves to intervene… Very confidential: There is no reason, however, why you should advise the Finnish Government to take a similar course or to prevent any private societies or individuals from helping [the mutiny]”
帝国主义法国和英国鼓励俄罗斯边境的资本主义国家协助喀琅施塔得兵变。英国外交大臣寇松勋爵于 3 月 11 日向芬兰发出秘密信息，称：“国王陛下的政府没有准备好进行干预......非常机密：然而，你没有理由建议芬兰政府采取类似的做法，或阻止任何私人社团或个人帮助[叛变]。”
Food and money came from rich capitalists and White emigres to support the Kronstadt mutineers. Tsarist Baron P. Y. Vilken, the former commander of the Sevastopol, used his spy contacts to deliver the money. His telegrams discuss sending the funds through Helsinki “which needs the money in the beginning of March” (Russkaia voennaia emigratsiaa 20-x—40-x godov).
食物和金钱来自富有的资本家和白人移民，以支持喀琅施塔得叛变者。沙皇 P. Y. Vilken 男爵，塞瓦斯托波尔的前指挥官，利用他的间谍关系交付了这笔钱。他的电报讨论了通过赫尔辛基发送资金，“赫尔辛基需要三月初的钱”。
“The Russian banks, with the former Tsarist minister of finance Kokovtsev at their head, began to collect money for Kronstadt. Goutchkov, the head of the Russian imperialist party, got in contact with the English and American governments to obtain food supplies.”
“以前沙皇财政部长科科夫采夫为首的俄罗斯银行开始为喀琅施塔得筹集资金。俄罗斯帝国主义党的领导人古奇科夫与英国和美国政府取得了联系，以获得粮食供应。
“The Whiteguard emigres in Paris organized collection of money and provisions for the mutineers, and the American Red Cross sent food supplies to Kronstadt under its flag.
“巴黎的白卫军移民组织了为叛变者筹集资金和补给品，美国红十字会以其旗帜向喀琅施塔得运送了食品。”
“the Russian Union of Commerce and Industry in Paris declared its intention to send food and other supplies to Kronstadt… an initial sum of two million Finnish marks had already been pledged to aid Kronstadt in “the sacred cause of liberating Russia”
“巴黎的俄罗斯工商联盟宣布打算向喀琅施塔得运送食品和其他物资......最初已经承诺提供 200 万芬兰马克，以帮助喀琅施塔得完成“解放俄罗斯的神圣事业”
“the Russian-Asiatic Bank contributed 225,000 francs. Additional funds were donated by other Russian banks, insurance companies, and financial concerns throughout Europe, and by the Russian Red Cross, which funneled all collections to Tseidler, its representative in Finland. By March 16 Kokovtsov was able to inform the Committee of Russian Banks in Paris that deposits for Kronstadt already exceeded 775,000 francs…”
“俄亚银行捐赠了 225,000 法郎。其他俄罗斯银行、保险公司和整个欧洲的金融机构以及俄罗斯红十字会捐赠了额外的资金，该组织将所有捐款都捐赠给了其在芬兰的代表 Tseidler。到 3 月 16 日，科科夫佐夫能够通知巴黎的俄罗斯银行委员会，喀琅施塔得的存款已经超过 775,000 法郎......”
The leaders of the Kronstadt mutiny published an article on March 6 where they claimed to oppose the Whites. However, this was more deception as Petrichenko and many of his associates were White Guardists. Two days later on March 8 they welcomed a secret delegation of allies, which included a courier from the SR Administrative Center, an agent of Finnish State Security, two representatives of the monarchist Petrograd Combat Organization and four White Guard officers, including Baron Vilken.
喀琅施塔得兵变的领导人于 3 月 6 日发表了一篇文章，声称反对白军。然而，这更多的是欺骗，因为佩特里琴科和他的许多同伙都是白卫军。两天后的 3 月 8 日，他们迎来了一个秘密盟友代表团，其中包括一名来自 SR 行政中心的信使、一名芬兰国家安全局的特工、君主制彼得格勒作战组织的两名代表和包括维尔肯男爵在内的四名白卫军军官。
The Whites were disguised as a “Red Cross” delegation sent from Finland. According to a detailed report by White Guardist Tseidler to his HQ, the delegation was immediately invited to ajoint session of the PRC and the general staff officers. A plan was reached to use the Red Cross as a cover to organizing sending food, supplies and funds to Kronstadt.
白军伪装成从芬兰派来的“红十字会”代表团。根据白卫军塞德勒向总部提交的详细报告，代表团立即被邀请参加中国和总参谋部的联席会议。达成了一项计划，利用红十字会作为掩护，组织向喀琅施塔得运送食物、物资和资金。
White emigre and former member of the Kronstadt leadership Kupolov wrote later that some of the Kronstadt leaders (probably mensheviks and anarchists) were not too happy about the monarchist and White Guard plots. However, Petrichenko was simply using them and planned to eventually get rid of them too. Kupolov writes:
白人移民和喀琅施塔得领导层前成员库波洛夫后来写道，喀琅施塔得的一些领导人（可能是孟什维克和无政府主义者）对君主制和白卫军的阴谋不太满意。然而，彼得里琴科只是在使用它们，并计划最终也摆脱它们。库波洛夫写道：
“The PRC, seeing that Kronstadt was filling up with agents of a monarchist organization, issued a declaration that it would not enter into negotiations with, nor accept any aid from, any non-socialist parties… But… Petrichenko and the General Staff secretly worked in connection with the monarchists and prepared the ground for an overthrow of the committee…”
“临时革命委员会看到喀琅施塔得充斥着君主主义组织的特工，发表声明，不与任何非社会主义政党进行谈判，也不接受任何非社会主义政党的任何援助......但……彼得里琴科和总参谋部秘密地与君主主义者合作，为推翻委员会做准备......”
This is exactly why the Bolsheviks stated that while many of the Kronstadt mutineers were not White Guards or members of the capitalist class, their action still furthered the goals of the White Guard counter-revolution and of capitalist restoration. The White Guards were simply using these mensheviks and hapless opportunists.
这正是布尔什维克说，虽然喀琅施塔得的许多叛变者不是白卫兵或资产阶级成员，但他们的行动仍然促进了白卫兵反革命和资本主义复辟的目标。白卫军只是在利用这些孟什维克和倒霉的机会主义者。
The PCR claimed:
临时革命委员会声称：
“In Kronstadt, total power is in the hands only of the revolutionary sailors… not of the White Guards headed by some General Kozlovsky, as the slanderous Moscow radio proclaims.” “We have only one general here… commissar of the Baltic Fleet Kuzmin. And he has been arrested.”
“在喀琅施塔得，完全权力只掌握在革命水手手中......而不是像诽谤性的莫斯科广播电台所宣称的那样，由科兹洛夫斯基将军领导的白卫军。“我们这里只有一位将军......波罗的海舰队政委库兹明。他已经被捕了。”
In exile Petrichenko stated:
在流亡期间，彼得里琴科说：
“Cut off from the outside world, we could receive no aid from foreign sources even if we had wanted it. We served as agents of no external group: neither capitalists, Mensheviks, nor SR’s.”These days we know that he was lying.
“与外界隔绝，即使我们想要，也无法从外国获得任何援助。我们没有作为外部团体的代理人：无论是资本家、孟什维克还是社会主义革命党。”这些天我们知道他在撒谎。
Anarchist sailor Perepelkin, who was there in Kronstadt stated:
在喀琅施塔得的无政府主义水手佩雷佩尔金说：
“And here I saw the former commander or the Sevastopol, Baron Vilken with whom I had earlier sailed. And it is he who is now acknowledged by the PRC to be the representative of the delegation that is offering us aid. I was outraged by this. I… said, so that’s the situation we’re in, that’s who we’re forced to talk to. Petrichenko and the others jumped on me… There was no other way out: they said. I stopped arguing and said I would accept the proposal. And on the second day we received 400 poods of food and cigarettes. Those who agreed to mutual friendship with the White Guard baron yesterday shouted that they were for Soviet power.”
“在这里，我看到了前任指挥官，或者说塞瓦斯托波尔号，维尔肯男爵，我早些时候和他一起航行过。而现在，正是他被中国承认为向我们提供援助的代表团的代表。我对此感到愤怒。我……说，这就是我们所处的情况，这就是我们被迫与之交谈的人。佩特里琴科和其他人跳到我身上......他们说，没有其他出路。我不再争论，说我会接受这个提议。第二天，我们收到了 400 磅食物和香烟。昨天同意与白卫军男爵相互友好的人高喊，他们是为了苏维埃政权。
“Any doubts about Vilken’s motives (his officer background was known to the rebel leaders) were brushed aside, and the Revolutionary Committee accepted his offer.”
“任何对维尔肯动机的怀疑（叛乱领导人都知道他的军官背景）都被抛在一边，革命委员会接受了他的提议。”
This has of course continued to this very day. The pseudo-Anarchists in Rojava made the same exact arguments. They said, they needed to collaborate with American imperialists because American imperialists were giving them funding, training, military support and weaponry. And were they really expected to win all on their own without such support? But such opportunistic logic merely reduces any movement into helpless puppets of capitalists and imperialists.
当然，这种情况一直持续到今天。罗贾瓦的伪无政府主义者也提出了同样的论点。他们说，他们需要与美帝国主义合作，因为美帝国主义正在为他们提供资金、培训、军事支持和武器装备。如果没有这样的支持，他们真的可以靠自己获胜吗？但这种机会主义逻辑只是将任何运动沦为资本家和帝国主义者的无助傀儡。
Wrangel’s right hand man, White General General Von Lampe literally laughed at the anarchists, mensheviks and SRs. He wrote in his diary that their propaganda was “full of justifications to dispel the thought, God forbid, that the sailors were under the influence of [White Monarchist] officers… The SRs don’t understand that in such a struggle, what are needed are severe and determined measures.”
弗兰格尔的得力助手、白将军冯·兰佩将军简直嘲笑了无政府主义者、孟什维克和苏格尔革命党。他在日记中写道，他们的宣传“充满了理由来消除这样一种想法，上帝保佑，水手们受到[白人君主制]军官的影响......社会主义者不明白，在这样的斗争中，需要的是严厉而坚定的措施。
An editor for the mutineer newspaper Lamanov stated: “Up until the seizure of Kronstadt by Soviet troops I thought the movement had heen organized by the Left SRs. After I became convinced that the movement was not spontaneous, I no longer sympathized with it… Now I am firmly convinced, that, without a doubt, White Guards, both Russian and foreign, took part in the movement. The escape to Finland convinced me of this. Now I consider my participation in this movement to have heen an unforgivable stupid mistake.”
叛变者报纸《拉马诺夫》的一位编辑说：“在苏联军队占领喀琅施塔得之前，我以为这场运动是由左翼社会主义革命党组织的。当我确信这个运动不是自发的之后，我不再同情它......现在我坚信，毫无疑问，俄罗斯和外国的白卫军都参加了这场运动。逃到芬兰让我确信了这一点。现在我认为我参加这场运动是一个不可原谅的愚蠢错误。
On March 15 the Kronstadt mutineers secretly sent two of their leaders to Finland, to ask for support. At this time Finland was ruled by the ferocious White Guard government of Mannerheim and co. which was launching invasions into Soviet-Karelia and supporting the Russian White Generals. When the mutiny was being defeated, on March 17 Petrichenko and the leaders ordered the crews of ships Petropavlovsk and Sevastopol to blow up the ships and flee to Anti-Communist Finland. However, at this point the soldiers had already begun to think their leaders must be reactionaries and did not follow orders. They rose up, saved the ships and arrested all the officers and Provisional Committee members they could get their hands on.
3月15日，喀琅施塔得叛变者秘密派出两名领导人前往芬兰，请求支持。此时，芬兰由凶猛的曼纳海姆等人白卫军政府统治，该政府正在对苏联-卡累利阿发动入侵并支持俄罗斯白军将军。当兵变被击败时，3 月 17 日，彼得里琴科和领导人命令彼得罗巴甫洛夫斯克号和塞瓦斯托波尔号船只的船员炸毁船只并逃往反共的芬兰。然而，此时的士兵们已经开始认为他们的领导人一定是反动派，不听从命令。他们奋起，拯救了船只，并逮捕了所有他们能接触到的军官和临时委员会成员。
After the Kronstadt mutiny had failed and its leaders had fled to Finland, they agreed to join the White Army of Wrangel:
喀琅施塔得兵变失败后，其领导人逃往芬兰后， 他们同意加入弗兰格尔白军 ：
“In May 1921 Petrichenko and several of his fellow refugees at the Fort Ino camp decided to volunteer their services to General Wrangel… in a new campaign to unseat the Bolsheviks and restore “the gains of the February 1917 Revolution.”
“1921 年 5 月， 佩特里琴科和他在伊诺堡营地的几位难民同伴决定自愿为弗兰格尔将军服务......在一场新的运动中，以推翻布尔什维克并恢复“1917 年 2 月革命的成果”
It is very significant that at this point they were no longer in Kronstadt, and thus didn’t need to pretend they supported the October Revolution. Hence they now began to only praise the February revolution of Kerensky!
非常重要的是，此时他们已经不在喀琅施塔得了，因此不需要假装他们支持十月革命。因此，他们现在开始只赞美克伦斯基的二月革命！
The Petrichenko gang and the Whites forces of Wrangel agreed to “the retention of their slogan “all power to the soviets but not the parties.”… the slogan was to be retained only as a “convenient political maneuver” until the Communists had been overthrown. Once victory was in hand, the slogan would be shelved and a temporary military dictatorship installed…”
佩特里琴科帮和弗兰格尔的白军同意“保留他们的口号，'所有权力都归苏维埃所有，但不属于政党'。…这个口号只能作为一种 “方便的政治策略” 保留下来，直到共产党被推翻。 一旦胜利到手，口号就会被搁置，并建立一个临时的军事独裁政权......
THE REACTIONARY PROPAGANDA CAMPAIGN
反动宣传运动
The Kronstadt mutineers and their capitalist allies carried out a massive propaganda campaign to support the mutiny. They published lies claiming that supposedly the Bolsheviks were carrying out atrocities and supposedly everybody was rising up against them. In fact, nothing of the kind happened.
喀琅施塔得叛变者及其资本主义盟友进行了大规模的宣传运动来支持兵变。他们发表谎言，声称布尔什维克正在实施暴行，据称每个人都在起来反对他们。事实上，这种事情并没有发生。
The Kronstadt newspaper wrote on March 7: “Last Minute News From Petrograd” – ”Mass arrests and executions of workers and sailors continue.”
喀琅施塔得报纸在3月7日写道：“来自彼得格勒的最后一刻消息”——“对工人和水手的大规模逮捕和处决仍在继续。
On March 8 a Finnish capitalist newspaper Hufvudstadsbladet published the following lies, provided to them by Mensheviks: “Petrograd workers are striking… crowds bearing red banners demand a change of government – the overthrow of the Communists.”
3 月 8 日，芬兰一家资本主义报纸《Hufvudstadsbladet》发表了孟什维克向他们提供的以下谎言：“彼得格勒工人正在罢工......举着红色旗帜的人群要求政府更迭——推翻共产党人。
On March 11 the Kronstadt newspaper wrote: “The [bolshevik] Government In Panic.” “Our cry has been heard. Revolutionary sailors, Red Army men and workers in Petrograd are already coming to our assistance … The Bolshevik power feels the ground slipping from under its feet and has issued orders in Petrograd to open fire at any group of five or more people gathering in the streets …”
3月11日，喀琅施塔得报纸写道：“[布尔什维克]政府陷入恐慌。“我们的呼声已经被听到了。彼得格勒的革命水手、红军人员和工人已经来援助我们......布尔什维克政权感到地面从脚下滑落，并在彼得格勒下达命令，向聚集在街上的任何五人或五人以上的团体开火......”
“Moscow Rising Reported. Petrograd Fighting.” (London Times, March 2, 1921)
“莫斯科起义报道。彼得格勒战斗。（伦敦时报，1921 年 3 月 2 日）
“Petrograd et Moscou Seraient aux Maine des Insurgés qui ont Formé un Gouvernement Provisoire.”
“彼得格勒和莫斯科将落入组建临时政府的叛乱分子手中”]（马廷，3 月 7 日）
“Les Marins Revoltés Débarquent à Petrograd.” [“Rebelling sailors land in Petrograd”] (Matin, March 8)
“彼得格勒的 Les Marins Revoltés Débarquent。”[“叛乱的水手在彼得格勒登陆”]（《马廷》，3 月 8 日）
“Der Aufstand in Russland.” [“The uprising in Russia”] (Vossische Zeitung, March 10)
“俄罗斯的 Der Aufstand。”[“俄罗斯起义”]（《Vossische Zeitung》，3 月 10 日）
“In Petrograd the remnants of the SRs, Mensheviks and various anarchists banded together… [and] collaborated with the newly formed monarchist Petrograd Combat Organization (PCO), as the PCO itself asserted (PCO Report to Helsinki Department of National Center, no earlier than 28 March 1921; reprinted in Kronstadt Tragedy). The [monarchist-capitalist] PCO even printed the Mensheviks’ leaflets! On March 14… [they] issued a leaflet in solidarity with Kronstadt that said not one word about socialism or soviets, but instead called for an uprising against “the bloody communist regime” in the name of “all power to the people” (“Appeal to All Citizens, Workers, Red Army Soldiers and Sailors,” 14 March 1921; reprinted in Kronstadt Tragedy).”
“在彼得格勒，苏尔革命党的残余分子、孟什维克和各种无政府主义者联合起来......[并]与新成立的君主制彼得格勒战斗组织 （PCO） 合作，正如 PCO 自己所声称的那样（PCO 向赫尔辛基国家中心部提交的报告，不早于 1921 年 3 月 28 日;转载于喀琅施塔得悲剧）。[君主资本主义] PCO 甚至印制了孟什维克的传单！3 月 14 日...[他们]发出了一份声援喀琅施塔得的传单，只字未提社会主义或苏维埃，而是号召以“一切权力归人民”的名义起义反对“血腥的共产主义政权”（“呼吁所有公民、工人、红军士兵和水手”，1921 年 3 月 14 日;在喀琅施塔得悲剧中转载）“。
“Savinkov, aide to Kerensky… in his Warsaw newspaper Svoboda, printed on Polish [capitalist] government money, boasts (24th February) “I fight against the Bolsheviks, I fight alongside those who have already struggled with Kolchak, Denikin, Wrangel and even Petlioura, strange as that may seem.” (Radek, The Kronstadt Uprising, 1921)
“萨文科夫，克伦斯基的助手......在他的华沙报纸《斯沃博达》（Svoboda）上，用波兰[资本家]政府的钱印制，吹嘘道（2 月 24 日）“我与布尔什维克作战，我与那些已经与高尔察克、邓尼金、弗兰格尔甚至佩特利乌拉作斗争的人并肩作战，尽管这看起来很奇怪。”
Savinkov wrote that the sailors of Kronstadt had captured the battleship Aurora and fired its cannons on Petrograd. This never actually happened. He wrote: “when the cruiser Aurora fired on Petrograd it was an expression of repentance for the sin committed on the 25th of October 1917 with the bombardment of the Winter Palace, the seat of Kerensky’s ministry.”
萨文科夫写道，喀琅施塔得的水手们俘虏了奥罗拉号战列舰，并向彼得格勒号发射了大炮。这实际上从未发生过。他写道：“当巡洋舰奥罗拉号向彼得格勒开火时，这是对 1917 年 10 月 25 日轰炸克伦斯基部委所在地冬宫所犯下的罪孽的忏悔。
“The Roul of Berlin, the organ of the right wing of the Cadet Party, wrote “The uprising of Kronstadt is scared, because it is an uprising against the idea of the October revolution”. The Society of Russian Industrialists and Financiers of Paris, when they heard the news from Kronstadt, decided to not worry about the extremist demands or the primitive cause of the mutiny [“les revendications extremistes cause primitive de la mutinerie”] because its essential point was that “the sailors were for the overthrow of the Communist government”
“立校员党右翼的机关报《柏林的鲁尔》写道，”喀琅施塔得的起义令人恐惧，因为它是一场反对十月革命思想的起义“。巴黎俄国实业家和金融家协会在听到喀琅施塔得的消息后，决定不担心极端主义的要求或兵变的原始原因[“极端主义者的主张是叛乱的原始原因”]，因为其要点是“水手们是为了推翻共产党政府”
The reactionary mutineers claimed that mass uprisings had broken out in Petrograd and Moscow to support the Kronstadt mutiny, but this was a total lie. Even Menshevik leader Dan admitted in his 1922 book that “the Kronstadt mutiny was not supported by the Petersburg workers in any way”. This is easy to understand, because the mutiny was not based on genuine political organizing or a genuine program. It was a plot organized by White Guard reactionaries and political adventurers, by spreading false rumors, lies, and exploiting the temporary difficulties and confusion in Kronstadt at the time in order to carry out a military coup, repress the communists and prevent the workers and peasants from understanding what was actually going on.
反动叛变者声称彼得格勒和莫斯科爆发了大规模起义，以支持喀琅施塔得兵变，但这完全是谎言。就连孟什维克领导人丹在他 1922 年出版的书中也承认 ，“喀琅施塔得兵变没有得到彼得堡工人的任何支持”。这很容易理解，因为兵变不是基于真正的政治组织或真正的纲领。这是白卫兵反动派和政治冒险家组织的阴谋，通过散布虚假谣言、谎言，利用当时喀琅施塔得暂时的困难和混乱，进行军事政变，镇压共产党人，使工农不了解到底发生了什么。
It was enterily unlikely that workers would support the mutiny in other towns where they could not be simply tricked by plotters, and where they had their working class and Communist organizations. The Kronstadt mutiny used anarchists, left-SR terrorists and Mensheviks as their henchmen but even they were to a large extent simply fooled into it, as White Guardists were secretly trying to orchestrate many aspects of the mutiny for their own purposes.
工人不太可能支持其他城镇的叛变，因为他们不能简单地被阴谋者欺骗，而且他们有工人阶级和共产主义组织。喀琅施塔得兵变利用无政府主义者、左翼社会主义恐怖分子和孟什维克作为他们的追随者，但即使是他们在很大程度上也只是被愚弄了，因为白卫兵正在暗中试图为了自己的目的而策划兵变的许多方面。
Its also worth pointing out that the best revolutionary elements in the left-SRs, left-Mensheviks and even anarchists had already seen the error in their ways and joined the Bolshevik Party either right before the October Revolution or soon after it. Only the worse elements like terrorists, utopians and right-wing Mensheviks now opposed the Bolsheviks. The anarcho-syndicalist “Worker Opposition” also supported the Bolsheviks in crushing the Kronstadt mutiny.
还值得指出的是，左翼社会主义革命党、左翼孟什维克甚至无政府主义者中最优秀的革命分子已经看到了他们方式的错误，并在十月革命之前或之后不久加入了布尔什维克党。现在只有恐怖分子、乌托邦主义者和右翼孟什维克等更坏的分子反对布尔什维克。无政府工团主义的“工人反对派”也支持布尔什维克镇压喀琅施塔得兵变。
“SOVIETS WITHOUT COMMUNISM! DOWN WITH COMMUNISM!”
– IDEOLOGY OF THE KRONSTADT MUTINY
“没有共产主义的苏联！打倒共产主义！“
—— 喀琅施塔得兵变的意识形态
Milliukov, one of the capitalist leaders of Russia who was ousted by the October Revolution, wrote in his newspaper which he published in Paris, that reactionaries need to support the Kronstadt mutiny. He therefore advocated the slogan “Down with the Bolsheviks’ Long live the Soviets!” (Poslednie Novosti. 11 March 1921). The first step was to get rid of the Bolshevik Communists, after that it would be easy to restore the power of the capitalists.
米留科夫是被十月革命赶下台的俄国资本主义领袖之一，他在巴黎出版的报纸上写道，反动派需要支持喀琅施塔得兵变。因此，他鼓吹“打倒布尔什维克，苏维埃万岁！（Poslednie Novosti，1921 年 3 月 11 日）。第一步是除掉布尔什维克共产党人，然后恢复资本家的权力就很容易了。
“The [capitalist]… Milyukov, supplied the Kronstadt counter-revolutionaries with the watchword “Soviets without Communists””(A History of the USSR, volume 3, p. 307)
“[资本家]......米柳科夫，向喀琅施塔得反革命分子提供了“没有共产主义者的苏维埃”的口号“（《苏联史》，第 3 卷，第 307 页）
Stalin said: “Soviets without Communists — such was then the watchword of the chief of the Russian counter-revolution, Milyukov…” (J. Stalin, Articles and Speeches, Moscow, 1934, , Russ, ed., p. 217)
斯大林说：“没有共产党人的苏联——这就是当时俄国反革命首领米柳科夫的口号......”（J. Stalin，文章和演讲，莫斯科，1934 年，Russ 编辑，第 217 页）
“But the class enemy was not dozing. He tried to exploit the distressing economic situation and the discontent of the peasants for his own purposes. Kulak revolts, engineered by Whiteguards and SRs, broke out in Siberia, the Ukraine and the Tambov province… All kinds of counter-revolutionary elements — Mensheviks, SRs, Anarchists, Whiteguards, bourgeois nationalists—became active again. The enemy adopted new tactics of struggle against the Soviet power. He began to borrow a Soviet garb, and his slogan was no longer the old bankrupt “Down with the Soviets!” but a new slogan: “For the Soviets, but without Communists!”
“但阶级敌人并没有打瞌睡。他试图利用令人痛苦的经济形势和农民的不满来达到自己的目的。由白卫军和苏维埃尔革命军策划的库拉克起义在西伯利亚、乌克兰和坦波夫省爆发......各种反革命分子——孟什维克、社会主义革命党、无政府主义者、白卫兵、资产阶级民族主义者——又开始活跃起来。敌人采取了新的斗争策略来对抗苏维埃政权。他开始借用苏联的服装，他的口号不再是破产的老口号“打倒苏联”，而是新的口号：“ 为了没有共产党的苏联！”
A glaring instance of the new tactics of the class enemy was the counter-revolutionary mutiny in Kronstadt… Whiteguards, in complicity with SRs, Mensheviks and representatives of foreign states, assumed the lead of the mutiny. The mutineers at first used a “Soviet” signboard to camouflage their purpose of restoring the power and property of the capitalists and landlords. They raised the cry: “Soviets without Communists!” The counter-revolutionaries tried to exploit the discontent of the petty bourgeois masses in order to overthrow the power of the Soviets under a pseudo-Soviet slogan.
阶级敌人新策略的一个明显例子是喀琅施塔得的反革命兵变......白卫兵与苏格兰革命党、孟什维克和外国代表勾结，领导了兵变。叛变者起初用“苏联”的招牌来掩盖他们恢复资本家和地主的权力和财产的目的。他们高喊：“没有共产党人的苏联！反革命分子企图利用小资产阶级群众的不满情绪，打着伪苏联的口号推翻苏维埃的政权。
Two circumstances facilitated the outbreak of the Kronstadt mutiny: the deterioration in the composition of the ships’ crews, and the weakness of the Bolshevik organization in Kronstadt. Nearly all the old [revolutionary, communist Kronstadt] sailors… [had been sent away to the] front, heroically fighting in the ranks of the Red Army. The naval replenishments [sent to Kronstadt to replace them] consisted of new men, who had not been schooled in the revolution. These were a perfectly raw peasant mass who gave expression to the peasantry’s discontent with the [grain requisition system and war communism]. As for the Bolshevik organization in Kronstadt, it had been greatly weakened by a series of mobilizations for the front.”
有两种情况促成了喀琅施塔得兵变的爆发：船员组成的恶化，以及喀琅施塔得布尔什维克组织的软弱。几乎所有的老水手（革命的、共产主义的喀琅施塔得）水手......[被派往]前线，在红军的队伍中英勇作战。海军补给人员（派往喀琅施塔得取代他们）由没有在革命中受过教育的新人组成。这些是完全原始的农民群众，表达了农民对[粮食征用制度和战时共产主义]的不满。至于喀琅施塔得的布尔什维克组织，它因前线的一系列动员而大大削弱了。
Anarchist historian Avrich writes that the bulk of Kronstadt sailors had fought in anti-Communist forces before: “…we have it from Petrichenko himself that “three-quarters” of the Kronstadt garrison were natives of the Ukraine, some of whom had served with the anti-Bolshevik forces in the south before entering the Soviet navy.”
无政府主义历史学家阿夫里希写道，喀琅施塔得的大部分水手以前都曾在反共部队中作战：“......我们从彼得琴科本人那里得到的消息是，喀琅施塔得驻军的“四分之三”是乌克兰本地人，其中一些人在进入苏联海军之前曾在南部的反布尔什维克部队服役。”
“Throughout the Civil War of 1918-1920, the sailors of Kronstadt… More than 40,000… replenished the ranks of the Red Army on every front.”
“在整个 1918 年至 1920 年的内战期间，喀琅施塔得的水手们......超过40,000...在各条战线上补充了红军的队伍。”
“There can be little doubt that during the Civil War years a large turnover had indeed taken place within the Baltic Fleet… old-timers had been replaced by conscripts from the rural districts… By 1921… more than three-quarters of the sailors were of peasant origin, a substantially higher proportion than in 1917, when industrial workers from the Petrograd area made up a sizable part of the fleet.”
“毫无疑问，在内战期间，波罗的海舰队内部确实发生了大量人员流动......老前辈被来自农村地区的应征入伍者所取代......到 1921 年......超过四分之三的水手出身农民，比 1917 年要高得多，当时来自彼得格勒地区的产业工人占舰队的相当大一部分。”
The temporary weakness of the local Communist organization in Kronstadt, the mass influx of politically uneducated people from the countryside, who were even anti-communists, and the sending of politically educated, experienced proletarians away to the frontlines during the war – these factors allowed the SR utopians, terrorists, anarchists, mensheviks and outright capitalists, monarchists and White Guards to gain a temporary foothold in Kronstadt.
喀琅施塔得当地共产主义组织的暂时衰弱，农村大量没有受过政治教育的人涌入，他们甚至是反共主义者，以及战争期间将受过政治教育、经验丰富的无产者送往前线——这些因素使 SR 乌托邦主义者、恐怖分子、无政府主义者、孟什维克和彻头彻尾的资本家、君主主义者和白卫兵在喀琅施塔得获得了暂时的立足点。
One of the reasons for the relative weakness of the Kronstadt Bolshevik party organization, was that Trotskyists and Zinovievites were in a strong position there:
喀琅施塔得布尔什维克党组织相对薄弱的原因之一是托洛茨基主义者和季诺维耶夫派在那里处于强势地位：
“The work of political education was at that time badly organized in the Baltic Fleet, and the Trotskyites… managed to get into leading positions…”
“当时波罗的海舰队的政治教育工作组织得很差，托洛茨基派......设法进入领导地位......”
A power struggle began between the opportunist factions of Trotsky and Zinoviev. At this time Lenin had been waging ideological struggle against Trotsky’s bureaucratic position on the questions of war-communism and role of the trade-unions. Zinoviev took advantage of this to strengthen his own opportunist faction. Trotskyists themselves admit this:
托洛茨基和季诺维也夫的机会主义派别之间开始了权力斗争。此时，列宁一直在与托洛茨基在战争共产主义和工会作用问题上的官僚立场进行意识形态斗争。季诺维也夫借此壮大自己的机会主义派系。托洛茨基主义者自己也承认这一点：
“Seizing on Trotsky’s wrong-headedness, Zinoviev mobilized his own base in the Petrograd-Kronstadt area against Trotsky… Zinoviev opened the floodgates of the Kronstadt party organization to backward recruits while encouraging a poisonous atmosphere in the inner-party dispute. The rot in the Kronstadt Communist Party organization was a critical factor in allowing the mutiny to proceed”
“季诺维也夫抓住托洛茨基的错误头脑 ，动员了自己在彼得格勒-喀琅施塔得地区的基地来对抗托洛茨基...... 季诺维也夫向落后的新兵打开了喀琅施塔得党组织的闸门，同时在党内纷争中助长了有毒的气氛。喀琅施塔得共产党组织的腐烂是导致兵变继续进行的关键因素 ”
There is no honor among scoundrels! A few years after this the renegade cliques of Trotsky and Zinoviev would unite their forces against the Bolshevik party.
无赖之间没有荣誉！几年后，托洛茨基和季诺维也夫的叛变集团将联合起来反对布尔什维克党。
“The authority of the party was further undermined by a struggle for political control in the fleet, which pitted Trotsky, the War Commissar, against Zinoviev… As a result of this dispute, the commissars and other party administrators lost much of their hold over the rank and file.”
“党的权威因舰队政治控制权的斗争而进一步受到损害，这场斗争使战争委员托洛茨基与季诺维也夫对立......由于这场争端，政委和其他政党行政人员失去了对基层的大部分控制权。”
ANTI-SEMITISM 反犹太主义
Another piece of information, indicating that the Kronstadt mutineers did not represent the best revolutionary elements, but actually some of the most politically backward elements, was their rampant anti-semitism. Anti-semitism of course was quite common in Russia at that time, but it was not tolerated among the Communists. It was more common among peasants then workers.
另一条信息表明，喀琅施塔得叛变者并不代表最好的革命分子，而实际上是一些政治上最落后的分子，是他们猖獗的反犹太主义。反犹主义当然在当时的俄罗斯相当普遍，但在共产党人中却是不能容忍的。这在农民中比在工人中更常见。
“feelings against the Jews ran high among the [Kronstadt] sailors, many of whom came from the Ukraine and the western borderlands, the classic regions of virulent anti-Semitism in Russia”
“[喀琅施塔得]水手们对犹太人的感情高涨，其中许多人来自乌克兰和西部边境地区，这些地区是俄罗斯恶毒反犹太主义的典型地区”
One of the Kronstadt newspaper editors Lamanov, said that people constantly wrote anti-semitic articles about Jews having “murdered Russia” but he usually succeeded in preventing them from being published.
喀琅施塔得报纸编辑之一拉马诺夫说，人们不断写反犹太主义文章，说犹太人“谋杀了俄罗斯”，但他通常成功地阻止了这些文章的发表。
“Vershinin… [member of the PRC] shouted an appeal for joint action against the Jewish and Communist oppressors…”
“Vershinin......[中国成员]呼吁对犹太人和共产主义压迫者采取联合行动......”
“Jews were a customary scapegoat in times of hardship and distress… In a particularly vicious passage [one sailor] attacks the Bolshevik regime as the “first Jewish Republic”… he labels the Jews a new “privileged class,”… calling the government ultimatum to Kronstadt “the ultimatum of the Jew Trotsky.” These sentiments, he asserts were widely shared by his fellow sailors… Witness the appeal of Vershinin, a member of the Revolutionary Committee… on March 8… “Enough of your ‘hoorahs,’ and join with us to beat the Jews. It’s their cursed domination that we workers and peasants have had to endure.”
“犹太人是困难和痛苦时期的替罪羊......在一段特别恶毒的段落中，[一名水手]攻击布尔什维克政权是“第一个犹太共和国”......他给犹太人贴上了一个新的“特权阶层”的标签，......称政府向喀琅施塔得发出的最后通牒是“犹太托洛茨基的最后通牒”。他断言，这些情绪得到了他的水手同伴的广泛认同......见证革命委员会成员韦尔希宁的呼吁......3 月 8 日......“受够了你们的'万岁'，和我们一起打败犹太人吧。我们工农不得不忍受的是他们被诅咒的统治。
WHY DIDN’T THE BOLSHEVIKS NEGOTIATE A PEACEFUL SETTLEMENT?
布尔什维克为什么不通过谈判达成和平解决方案？
Anarchists usually claim that the Bolsheviks saw the Kronstadt mutiny as some great threat to their power. That supposedly the “heroic struggle” of the mutineers could’ve inspired everyone to overthrow the Bolsheviks. However, this is completely false.
无政府主义者通常声称，布尔什维克将喀琅施塔得兵变视为对他们权力的巨大威胁。据称，叛变者的“英勇斗争”可能会激励每个人推翻布尔什维克。然而，这是完全错误的。
Lenin wrote: 列宁写道：
“This Kronstadt affair in itself is a very petty incident. It no more threatens to break up the Soviet state than the Irish disorders are threatening to break up the British Empire.”
“喀琅施塔得事件本身就是一个非常小的事件。它对苏维埃国家的瓦解的威胁并不大，就像爱尔兰的骚乱对瓦解大英帝国的威胁一样。
The Menshevik leader Dan admitted in his 1922 book that “the Kronstadt mutiny was not supported by the Petersburg workers in any way”
孟什维克领导人丹在他 1922 年出版的书中承认 ，“喀琅施塔得兵变没有得到彼得堡工人的任何支持”
The Bolshevik government suppressed the mutiny because the Whites still tried to use it as a springboard for restarting the civil war with foreign imperialist backing.
布尔什维克政府镇压了兵变，因为白军仍然试图将其作为跳板，在外国帝国主义的支持下重新启动内战。
“What the authorities feared, in other words, was not so much the rebellion itself…”
“换句话说，当局担心的不是叛乱本身......”
“Of greater concern to the Bolsheviks was the determination of the [white] emigres to gain access to Kronstadt and use it as a base for a landing on the mainland. This would have meant nothing less than a resumption of the Civil War…”
“布尔什维克更关心的是[白人]移民决心进入喀琅施塔得并将其用作登陆大陆的基地。这无异于内战的恢复......”
The ice was quickly melting so time was of the essence. Kronstadt had an extremely strong fortress and heavy weaponry. It would be very difficult to attack, and if the ice melted the only way to get there would be on battleships. Kronstadt itself also had two battleships. Therefore if the Bolsheviks waited and didn’t attack and take the Fort right away, the resulting battle might be catastrophic in its casualties and material damages. The mutineers also felt that they had gone too far, and there was no turning back. They felt they couldn’t negotiate their way out of this and simply had to fight as long as possible.
冰层正在迅速融化，所以时间至关重要。喀琅施塔得拥有极其坚固的堡垒和重型武器。攻击将非常困难，如果冰融化，到达那里的唯一途径就是乘坐战列舰。喀琅施塔得本身也有两艘战列舰。因此，如果布尔什维克等待而不立即进攻并占领堡垒，那么由此产生的战斗可能会造成灾难性的伤亡和物质损失。叛变者们也觉得自己走得太远了，没有回头路了。他们觉得自己无法通过谈判摆脱困境，只能尽可能长时间地战斗。
Zinoviev carried out pointless negotiations with the mutineers, which achieved nothing and only allowed the counter-revolutionaries to fortify their defenses.
季诺维也夫与叛变者进行了毫无意义的谈判，但一无所获，只能让反革命分子加强防御。
“Zinoviev negotiated with the traitors for seven whole days, thereby giving them time to fortify themselves.”
“季诺维也夫与叛徒谈判了整整七天，从而给了他们时间加强自己的实力。”
TROTSKY’S ROLE 托洛茨基的角色
It is often stated that Trotsky led the suppression of the Kronstadt mutiny, and that under Trotsky’s leadership the soldiers committed atrocities. However, both of these claims are false. The military defeat of the mutiny was entirely led by Voroshilov. Trotsky himself wrote later:
人们常说，托洛茨基领导了喀琅施塔得兵变的镇压，在托洛茨基的领导下，士兵们犯下了暴行。然而，这两种说法都是错误的。兵变的军事失败完全是由伏罗希洛夫领导的。托洛茨基本人后来写道：
“The truth of the matter is that I personally did not participate in the least in the suppression of the Kronstadt rebellion” (Trotsky, More on the Suppression of Kronstadt)
“事情的真相是，我个人丝毫没有参与镇压喀琅施塔得叛乱”
The soldiers, 300 of whom had been delegates to the 10th Bolshevik Party Congress, acted heroicially but Zinoviev who was in a power struggle with Trotsky at the time, spread all kinds of lies about the military operation, saying that it was organized by Trotsky and that all kinds of mistakes and wrong-doings supposedly occurred. But the bureaucratic mistakes of Trotsky, neglecting ideological education in the army and navy, and the further sabotage of Zinoviev contributed to the outbreak of the mutiny.
这些士兵，其中300人曾是布尔什维克党的第十次代表大会的代表，他们表现得英勇无比，但当时正在与托洛茨基权力斗争的季诺维也夫却散布了关于军事行动的各种谎言，说这是托洛茨基组织的，据称发生了各种错误和错误行为。但托洛茨基的官僚主义错误，忽视了陆军和海军的思想教育，以及对季诺维也夫的进一步破坏，促成了兵变的爆发。
DEFEATING THE MUTINY 击败兵变
“The mutineers gained possession of a first-class fortress, the fleet, and a vast quantity of arms and ammunition… Against the Kronstadt mutineers the Party sent its finest sons—delegates to the Tenth Congress, headed by Comrade Voroshilov. The Red Army men advanced on Kronstadt across a thin sheet of ice; it broke in places and many were drowned. The almost impregnable forts of Kronstadt had to be taken by storm…”
“叛变者获得了一流的堡垒、舰队以及大量的武器和弹药......为了反对喀琅施塔得叛变者，党派出了最优秀的儿子——以伏罗希洛夫同志为首的第十次代表大会的代表。红军人员穿过一层薄薄的冰层向喀琅施塔得推进;它有些地方破裂，许多人被淹死。喀琅施塔得几乎坚不可摧的堡垒不得不被风暴占领......”
“Picked units of the Red Army were sent to crush the Kronstadt counter-revolution. The Tenth Congress of the Party, which was in session at that time, sent 300 of its delegates, headed by K. E. Voroshilov, to reinforce them. On March 16, the revolutionary soldiers… commenced an assault upon the main forts of Kronstadt, rushing forward in spite of continuous machine-gun fire and the bursting shells which broke the already fragile ice over which they were advancing. In the front ranks of the assault columns was Voroshilov, setting an example of Bolshevik courage and valour.”
“红军的精选部队被派去镇压喀琅施塔得的反革命。当时正在召开的党的第十次代表大会派出了以伏罗希洛夫为首的300名代表来增援他们。3月16日，革命军人...开始攻击喀琅施塔得的主要堡垒，尽管机枪不断扫射，炮弹爆裂，打破了他们前进的本已脆弱的冰层，但仍向前冲。伏罗希洛夫在突击纵队的前列，为布尔什维克的勇气和英勇树立了榜样。
APPENDIX. LENIN ON KRONSTADT:
附录：列宁谈喀琅施塔得：
“What does it mean? It was an attempt to seize political power from the Bolsheviks by a motley crowd or alliance of ill-assorted elements, apparently just to the right of the Bolsheviks, or perhaps even to their “left”—you can’t really tell, so amorphous is the combination of political groupings that has tried to take power in Kronstadt. You all know, undoubtedly, that at the same time whiteguard generals were very active over there. There is ample proof of this. A fortnight before the Kronstadt events., the Paris newspapers reported a mutiny at Kronstadt. It is quite clear that it is the work of SRs and whiteguard émigrés, and at the same time the movement was reduced to a petty-bourgeois counter-revolution and petty-bourgeois anarchism. That is something quite new. This circumstance, in the context of all the crises, must be given careful political consideration and must be very thoroughly analysed… There is evidence here of the activity of petty-bourgeois anarchist elements with their slogans of unrestricted trade and invariable hostility to the dictatorship of the proletariat… they wanted to correct the Bolsheviks in regard to restrictions in trade—and this looks like a small shift, which leaves the same slogans of “Soviet power” with ever so slight a change or correction. Yet, in actual fact the whiteguards only used the non-Party elements as a stepping stone to get in. This is politically inevitable. We saw the petty-bourgeois, anarchist elements in the Russian revolution, and we have been fighting them for decades. We have seen them in action since February 1917, during the great revolution, and their parties’ attempts to prove that their programme differed little from that of the Bolsheviks, but that only their methods in carrying it through were different. We know this not only from the experience of the October Revolution, but also of the outlying regions and various areas within the former Russian Empire where the Soviet power was temporarily replaced by other regimes. Let us recall the Democratic Committee in Samara. They all came in demanding equality, freedom, and a constituent assembly, and every time they proved to be nothing but a conduit for whiteguard rule. Because the Soviet power is being shaken by the economic situation, we must consider all this experience and draw the theoretical conclusions a Marxist cannot escape… We must take a hard look at this petty-bourgeois counter-revolution with its calls for freedom to trade. Unrestricted trade—even if it is not as bound up initially with the whiteguards as Kronstadt was—is still only the thin end of the wedge for the whiteguard element, a victory for capital and its complete restoration. We must, I repeat, have a keen sense of this political danger.”
“这是什么意思？这是一群形形色色的人群或由各种各样的分子组成的联盟从布尔什维克手中夺取政治权力的企图，显然只是在布尔什维克的右翼，甚至可能是在他们的“左翼”——你真的看不出来，试图在喀琅施塔得夺取权力的政治集团的组合是如此无定形。毫无疑问，你们都知道，与此同时，白卫将军在那里非常活跃。有充分的证据证明这一点。在喀琅施塔得事件发生前两周，巴黎报纸报道了喀琅施塔得发生兵变。很明显，这是社会主义革命党和白卫流亡者所为，同时运动沦为小资产阶级反革命和小资产阶级无政府主义。这是一件很新的事情。在所有危机的背景下，必须仔细考虑政治问题，必须对其进行非常彻底的分析......这里有证据表明，小资产阶级无政府主义分子的活动，他们的口号是不受限制的贸易和对无产阶级专政的不变敌意......他们想纠正布尔什维克在贸易限制方面的问题——这看起来只是一个小小的转变，它使“苏维埃政权”的口号变得如此轻微的变化或纠正。然而，实际上，白卫兵只是利用非党派分子作为进入的垫脚石。这在政治上是不可避免的。我们在俄国革命中看到了小资产阶级、无政府主义分子，我们已经与他们斗争了几十年。自1917年2月大革命期间以来，我们看到他们的行动，他们的政党试图证明他们的纲领与布尔什维克的纲领几乎没有什么不同，只是他们贯彻执行纲领的方法不同。 我们不仅从十月革命的经验中知道了这一点，而且从前俄罗斯帝国内部的边远地区和各个地区中知道了这一点，这些地区苏维埃政权暂时被其他政权取代。让我们回顾一下萨马拉的民主委员会。他们都要求平等、自由和制宪会议，但每次都证明他们只不过是白卫兵统治的渠道。因为苏维埃政权正在被经济形势所动摇，我们必须考虑所有这些经验，得出马克思主义者无法逃避的理论结论......我们必须认真审视这种小资产阶级反革命，它呼吁贸易自由。不受限制的贸易——即使它最初不像喀琅施塔得那样与白卫兵联系在一起——仍然只是白卫军分子楔子的一端，是资本的胜利及其彻底恢复。我再说一遍，我们必须对这种政治危险有敏锐的感觉。
“I emphasised the danger of Kronstadt because it lies precisely in the fact that the change demanded was apparently very slight: “The Bolsheviks must go . . . we will correct the regime a little.” That is what the Kronstadt rebels are demanding. But what actually happened was that Savinkov arrived in Revel, the Paris newspapers reported the events a fortnight before they actually occurred, and a whiteguard general appeared on the scene. That is what actually happened.” (Lenin, Tenth Congress of the R.C.P.(B.))
“我强调喀琅施塔得的危险，因为它恰恰在于所要求的变革显然非常微不足道：”布尔什维克必须离开......我们会稍微纠正这个政权。这就是喀琅施塔得叛乱分子的要求。但实际发生的事情是，萨文科夫抵达雷维尔，巴黎报纸在事件实际发生前两周报道了这些事件，一名白卫将军出现在现场。这就是实际发生的事情。（列宁，RCP第十次代表大会（B.））
“The way the enemies of the proletariat take advantage of every deviation from a thoroughly consistent communist line was perhaps most strikingly shown in the case of the Kronstadt mutiny, when the bourgeois counter-revolutionaries and whiteguards in all countries of the world immediately expressed their readiness to accept the slogans of the Soviet system, if only they might thereby secure the overthrow of the dictatorship of the proletariat in Russia, and when the SRs and the bourgeois counter-revolutionaries in general resorted in Kronstadt to slogans calling for an insurrection against the Soviet Government of Russia ostensibly in the interest of the Soviet power. These facts fully prove that the whiteguards strive, and are able, to disguise themselves as Communists, and even as the most Left-wing Communists, solely for the purpose of weakening and destroying the bulwark of the proletarian revolution in Russia.”
“无产阶级的敌人利用每一次偏离完全一致的共产主义路线的方式，也许在喀琅施塔得兵变中表现得最为突出，当时世界各国的资产阶级反革命分子和白卫兵立即表示愿意接受苏维埃制度的口号，只要他们能够从而推翻俄国的无产阶级专政， 当社会主义革命党和资产阶级反革命分子在喀琅施塔得诉诸口号，呼吁表面上是为了苏维埃政权的利益而起义反对俄国苏维埃政府时。这些事实充分证明，白卫兵努力并且能够伪装成共产党人，甚至伪装成最左翼的共产党人，只是为了削弱和摧毁俄国无产阶级革命的堡垒。
“The vacillation of the petty-bourgeois element was the most characteristic feature of the Kronstadt events. There was very little that was clear, definite and fully shaped. We heard nebulous slogans about “freedom”, “freedom of trade”, “emancipation”, “Soviets without the Bolsheviks”, or new elections to the Soviets, or relief from “Party dictatorship”, and so on and so forth. Both the Mensheviks and the SRs declared the Kronstadt movement to be “their own”. [Menshevik] Victor Chernov sent a messenger to Kronstadt. On the latter’s proposal, the Menshevik Valk, one of the Kronstadt leaders, voted for the Constituent Assembly. In a flash, with lightning speed, you might say, the whiteguards mobilised all their forces “for Kronstadt“. Their military experts in Kronstadt, a number of experts, and not Kozlovsky alone, drew up a plan for a landing at Oranienbaum, which scared the vacillating mass of Mensheviks, SRs and non-party elements. More than fifty Russian whiteguard newspapers published abroad conducted a rabid campaign “for Kronstadt”. The big banks, all the forces of finance capital, collected funds to assist Kronstadt. That shrewd leader of the bourgeoisie and the landowners, the Cadet Milyukov, patiently explained to the simpleton [Menshevik] Chernov… and to the Mensheviks Dan and Rozhkov, who are in jail in Petrograd for their connection with the Kronstadt events… that there is no need to hurry with the Constituent Assembly, and that Soviet power can and must be supported—only without the Bolsheviks.
“小资产阶级分子的摇摆不定是喀琅施塔得事件的最典型特征。很少有清晰、明确和完整成型的东西。我们听到了关于“自由”、“贸易自由”、“解放”、“没有布尔什维克的苏维埃”、苏维埃的新选举、或摆脱“党的专政”等等的模糊口号。孟什维克和苏维埃社会主义革命党都宣称喀琅施塔得运动是“他们自己的”。[孟什维克]维克多·切尔诺夫派了一名信使前往喀琅施塔得。根据后者的提议，喀琅施塔得领导人之一孟什维克·瓦尔克投票支持制宪会议。你可以说，在一瞬间，以闪电般的速度，白卫兵“为喀琅施塔得”动员了所有的力量。他们在喀琅施塔得的军事专家，一些专家，而不仅仅是科兹洛夫斯基，制定了在奥拉宁鲍姆登陆的计划，这吓坏了摇摆不定的孟什维克、苏尔维克和非党派分子。在国外出版的 50 多家俄罗斯白卫军报纸进行了一场“为喀琅施塔得”而进行的狂热运动。大银行，所有金融资本的力量，都筹集资金来援助喀琅施塔得。那个精明的资产阶级和地主领袖，学员米柳科夫，耐心地向傻瓜[孟什维克]切尔诺夫解释......以及孟什维克丹和罗日科夫，他们因与喀琅施塔得事件有关而被关押在彼得格勒的监狱......没有必要急于召开制宪会议，苏维埃政权可以而且必须得到支持——只有没有布尔什维克。
Of course, it is easy to be cleverer than conceited simpletons like Chernov, the petty-bourgeois phrase-monger, or like Martov, the knight of philistine reformism doctored to pass for Marxism. Properly speaking, the point is not that Milyukov, as an individual, has more brains, but that, because of his class position, the party leader of the big bourgeoisie sees and understands the class essence and political interaction of things more clearly than the leaders of the petty bourgeoisie, the Chernovs and Martovs. For the bourgeoisie is really a class force which, under capitalism… and which also inevitably enjoys the support of the world bourgeoisie. But the petty bourgeoisie, i.e. … cannot… be anything else than the expression of class impotence; hence the vacillation, phrase-mongering and helplessness…
当然，比像切尔诺夫这样自负的傻瓜，小资产阶级的短语贩子，或者像马尔托夫这样被篡改成马克思主义的市侩改良主义骑士，更容易更聪明。正确地说，重点不在于米留科夫作为一个个体的大脑更多，而是大资产阶级的党领袖由于他的阶级地位，比小资产阶级的领导人切尔诺夫和马尔托夫更清楚地看到和理解事物的阶级本质和政治互动。因为资产阶级实际上是一种阶级力量，在资本主义制度下......也不可避免地得到世界资产阶级的支持。但小资产阶级，即......不能……除了阶级无能的表现之外，还有其他任何东西;因此，摇摆不定、胡言乱语和无助......
[Menshevik leader] Martov showed himself to be nothing but a philistine Narcissus when he declared in his Berlin journal that Kronstadt not only adopted Menshevik slogans but also proved that there could be an anti-Bolshevik movement which did not entirely serve the interests of the whiteguards, the capitalists and the landowners. He says in effect: “Let us shut our eyes to the fact that all the genuine whiteguards hailed the Kronstadt mutineers and collected funds in aid of Kronstadt through the banks!” Compared with the Chernovs and Martovs, Milyukov is right, for he is revealing the true tactics of the real whiteguard force, the force of the capitalists and landowners. He declares: “It does not matter whom we support, be they anarchists or any sort of Soviet government, as long as the Bolsheviks are overthrown, as long as there is a shift in power; it does not matter whether to the right or to the left, to the Mensheviks or to the anarchists, as long as it is away from the Bolsheviks… ‘we’, the capitalists and landowners, will do the rest ‘ourselves’… History proves it. The facts bear it out. The Narcissuses will talk; the Milyukovs and whiteguards will act.”
[孟什维克领导人]马尔托夫在柏林的日记中宣称，喀琅施塔得不仅采用了孟什维克的口号，而且还证明了可能存在一场不完全服务于白卫兵、资本家和地主利益的反布尔什维克运动，这表明自己只不过是一个市侩水仙。他实际上是在说：“让我们对所有真正的白卫兵欢呼喀琅施塔得叛变者并通过银行筹集资金援助喀琅施塔得这一事实视而不见！与切尔诺夫和马尔托夫相比，米柳科夫是对的，因为他正在揭示真正的白卫军的真实策略，即资本家和地主的力量。他宣称：“只要布尔什维克被推翻，只要权力发生转移，我们支持谁，无论他们是无政府主义者还是任何形式的苏维埃政府，都无关紧要;无论是右派还是左派，孟什维克还是无政府主义者，只要远离布尔什维克......“我们”，资本家和地主，将“自己”完成剩下的事情......历史证明了这一点。事实证明了这一点。水仙会说话;米柳科夫和白卫军将采取行动。
“You must have noticed that these extracts from the whiteguard newspapers published abroad appeared side by side with extracts from British and French newspapers. They are one chorus, one orchestra… They have admitted that if the slogan becomes “Soviet power without the Bolsheviks” they will all accept it. Milyukov explains this with particular clarity… He says he is prepared to accept the “Soviet power without the Bolsheviks” slogan. He cannot see from over there in Paris whether this is to be a slight shift to the right or to the left, towards the anarchists. From over there, he cannot see what is going on in Kronstadt, but asks the monarchists not to rush and spoil things by shouting about it. He declares that even if the shift is to be to the left, he is prepared to back the Soviet power against the Bolsheviks…”
“你一定注意到，这些在国外出版的白卫报的摘录与英国和法国报纸的摘录并排出现。他们是一个合唱团，一个管弦乐队......他们承认，如果这个口号变成“没有布尔什维克的苏维埃政权”，他们都会接受。米柳科夫对此的解释特别清晰......他说，他准备接受“没有布尔什维克的苏维埃政权”的口号。他无法从巴黎的那边看出这是向右还是向左，向无政府主义者轻微的转变。从那边，他看不到喀琅施塔得发生了什么，但要求君主主义者不要急于大喊大叫，破坏了事情。他宣称，即使左倾，他也准备支持苏维埃政权反对布尔什维克......”
